The fact that he’s touring the city and the media in a good mood these days demands respect.
The fact that he’s touring the city and the media in a good mood these days demands respect.
If the EU budget is not increased significantly after 2027, Brussels will have less money to distribute. However, Brussels’ own sources of income should gush more vigorously in the future. How does the EU want to generate its own income? So far, only 15 percent of the EU budget is based on its own income such as customs duties. Now new taxes are to be added. A plastic tax was agreed in Brussels.
From next year, each member state will have to pay 80 cents per kilo of plastic that is not recycled to Brussels. The levy is intended to act as an incentive to reduce the amount of plastic waste. From 2023, a CO2 border tax will also apply, a surcharge on imported products from third countries that are harmful to the climate. The commission is to present a draft law on this in the coming year. In addition, there should be a new taxation for digital companies, either on an international basis or at least EU-wide from 2023. A reform of the emissions trade is also under discussion, which could also include air and shipping traffic in the future.
In addition, some countries, such as Germany, are continuing to enforce a financial transaction tax, but so far with no prospect of success. What have the “thrifty four” achieved? Austria, the Netherlands, Sweden and Denmark failed with their plan to prevent direct subsidies. But the amount was reduced from 500 billion to 390 billion and strict monitoring of the use of the grant was agreed. Due to the smaller amount of subsidies, the JTF budget for climate-friendly energies is almost half that of 17.4 billion euros. The four also put their stamp on the budget.
Net payers who pay more into the EU than they get back receive a discount. This discount increased again by 7.9 billion euros in the course of the negotiations. Germany’s estate remained unchanged at 3.7 billion euros.
In addition, the four partners have announced that they will continue to appear together in the future – together with Finland. The “” five “” are thus forming another power center in the EU alongside Berlin / Paris and the Eastern Europeans in the Visegrad Federation. What was agreed for the budget from 2021? Because the net payer Great Britain ceases to exist due to Brexit, the EU has less money to disposal. The other states will not fully compensate for that. 1.074 trillion euros means 70 billion less than the Commission had asked for in 2018 and 250 billion euros less than the EU Parliament called for.
There is a lack of money especially for investments in the future. The Just Transition Fund is just as smaller as the “” Horizon Europe “” program. This means that 8.5 billion euros less will be available for research in the coming years.
Savings were also made in the budget for investments in state health systems.https://123helpme.me/biology-essay-writing-service/ Merkel secured a total of 1.3 billion euros in additional money from the EU structural fund for Germany, which is to be used in equal parts to support eastern Germany and rural regions. the European Parliament has a say and potential conflicts are looming. These mainly concern the cuts in the EU budget. There was criticism from all parties from the EU MPs from Germany. Politicians from the CSU to the Greens denounced national egotism, and the EU Parliament called for EU funding to be linked to compliance with the rule of law.
Hungary and Poland in particular had opposed this. The Tuesday night compromise stipulates that such sanctions must be approved by at least 55 percent of EU countries, which represent at least two thirds of the EU population. It should be relatively easy to forge coalitions against such a high quorum. The Hungarian government saw this compromise as a victory and was celebrated by the Orban-loyal press. Source: ntv.de “Olaf Scholz’s candidacy for chancellor does not trigger any euphoria, not even in the SPD.
Nevertheless, one can congratulate the comrades on this clever personnel decision. It is an expression of a new pragmatism in the face of a fate election for the Social Democrats. As things stand, Olaf Scholz will not be Chancellor next autumn. It is quite possible that afterwards he will no longer even be federal finance minister, but at most opposition leader.
Nevertheless, the SPD leadership made a remarkably wise decision in the surprisingly early nomination of its candidate for chancellor, for several reasons. Perhaps the most important one has little to do with the Social Democrats themselves: Angela Merkel is stepping down in 2021 and there is no one in the Union who can fill in her footsteps right away. None of the potential candidates – neither Armin Laschet, Friedrich Merz nor Markus Söder – arouse as much trust and sympathy among the population as the long-term Chancellor. Merkel also had to work for this status first. But this is how the Union, which is (still) leading in the polls, starts the election campaign without the incumbent’s bonus. If the SPD wants to penetrate this void, then only with Scholz.
Nobody else in the party is as well known, popular and experienced as the Federal Minister and former First Mayor of Hamburg. In his reserved to brittle demeanor, the Vice Chancellor even resembles Merkel a little. Many of their voters see this anti-temperament as evidence of seriousness and solidity. The voters in the middle appreciate the balance. For example, Scholz would have a lot better than a comparatively inexperienced Merz who always had his legs wide apart. It is remarkable that the SPD leadership came to the same conclusion weeks ago.
The chairmen Saskia Esken and Norbert Walter-Borjans were there to break with everything that Scholz supposedly stands for: the grand coalition, the agenda politics of the Gerhard Schröder era. In addition, since the escalation of the G20 protests in Hamburg, Scholz has been a red rag for many leftists. His role in the Cum-Ex and Wirecard affairs has not yet been fully worked out either. With their support for Scholz, Esken and Walter-Borjans hit their own camp on the head – with oomph.
The fact that they are still doing it for election chances and peace with the Bundestag faction is a commendable departure from the internal SPD cock and hen fights of past years. With Scholz, who is unsuspected of sympathy for the Left Party, the party also makes an offer to Merkel voters like Green sympathizers who reject a black-green coalition. A red-red-green or green-red-red federal government is not completely ruled out in view of the unresolved leadership issue in the Union. A chancellor or minister Scholz would play the role of a bourgeois guarantor against socialist excesses. Provided that the new peacefulness at the party leadership and the focus on practical work endure, yesterday the SPD will have opportunities that have recently been hardly considered possible could. Because what is the party actually about in the coming year? Primarily not about the chancellorship, but about finding your way out of the negative spiral of the past 15 years.
Loyal Scholz is ready to lead his SPD out of the valley of tears despite insulting insults from internal party opponents. If Scholz gets an election result of more than 20 percent, that would be the longed-for change in trend for the former People’s Party in view of current polls around 14 percent. Whether this result leads to the Chancellery, to government participation among the Greens or to the opposition bench is of secondary importance. The main thing is to get out of the misery of the present: This new pragmatism suits the party well. Thomas Schmoll sees the decision in favor of Scholz more critically in his comment yesterday. You can read why here. Source: ntv.de “Müller doesn’t often have reason to laugh, but he is also a rather serious guy. (Photo: picture alliance / dpa) Berlin’s outgoing mayor wants to go to the Bundestag, but is struggling with headwinds.
State Secretary Sawsan Chebli in particular has been criticized for her candidacy against Müller. Wrong: Even well-deserved politicians are not entitled to follow-up use. One of the undeniable qualities of Berlin’s governing mayor is his bravery. In his almost six years as chief of the capital, Michael Müller has had to put up with a number of insults from his party.
The fact that he’s touring the city and the media in a good mood these days demands respect. Parts of the SPD are threatening to deny him an outright exit from state politics. Müller withdraws less voluntarily than because of persistently poor poll numbers and his weak support in the party. But not even Müller’s critics would deny that he was always genuinely striving in the best sense of the word for the success of his red-red-green Senate and the future of the city Only 56-year-old Müller wants to start a second career as a federal politician (strictly speaking, his third career, because Müller had run a small print shop with his father until 2011). But the way to the other bank of the Spree is now almost as unsafe as a bike tour through Berlin.
The outgoing Juso chairman Kevin Kühnert grabbed the candidacy in the common home district of Tempelhof-Schöneberg to the indignation of some Müller supporters. Müller therefore avoided the neighboring Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf. A possible direct entry into the Bundestag would definitely prefer the Governing Mayor to be dependent on the state list position one he is aiming for. In the neighboring district, however, he has to compete against his surprisingly candidate State Secretary Sawsan Chebli.
The 42-year-old saw no reason to leave the field to her former sponsor. Since then, there has been a lot of rumbling in the Berlin SPD. Chebli has to defend herself against the accusation that she lacks humility, gratitude, respect or everything together. Ultimately, so the argument goes, Müller deserved an honorable farewell. This is presumably part of an agreement according to which Müller gives way to Federal Family Minister Franziska Giffey.
The former district mayor of Neukölln is unofficially chosen as the SPD’s top candidate for next year’s House of Representatives election. In autumn she will initially take over the SPD state chairmanship from Müller, but the underlying mechanism behind it is questionable. Müller is undoubtedly motivated and qualified for a Bundestag mandate. Nevertheless, in such a back room deal, the electoral office of the Bundestag member serves as a supply post for a comrade who has earned according to party logic. As if Müller were entitled to a prestigious job in politics just because he had properly filled his previous electoral office.
Neither the SPD nor Berlin state politics have these thoughts exclusively. It is, however, very antiquated and not worthy of a modern party. The list of politicians who, after a creative but ultimately no longer successful life in politics, have been given an old age post is long. Sometimes it’s about face, sometimes about preserving the income of the person concerned. And sometimes both.
This is personally understandable in individual cases. The reputation of politics in general is detrimental to such appointments, which are perceived as haggling. In the SPD, some publicly grumble at Chebli, who think Müller is more entitled to the mandate than the contentious newcomer because of his merits. Müller would do well not to – at least not publicly – join the attacks against the alleged monumental striker.
After all, he has such good arguments for himself: experience, hard work, convictions, assertiveness, his career-moving biography and personal reputation. In short: Why should citizens choose Müller out of gratitude for the past when they can also choose him because of his qualifications for the office? Sure: Chebli is also an exciting person. Not least because at second glance she resembles Müller: an assertive, social climber; also young, female and with a migration background. Like Kühnert and Giffey, Chebli is a promise for the future of the Berlin SPD.
Müller should find the courage to let the district association vote on who is the best candidate for the party and district. There is much to suggest that he will be able to assert himself without any claims. If he were to chase away the direct mandate for the constituency from the CDU in this way, he would have made a truly honorable exit after many years, even exhausting years in Berlin state politics. Source: ntv.de “Kurz and Merkel have known each other since the 33-year-old became Foreign Minister for seven years (Photo: REUTERS) The two conservative heads of government in Vienna and Berlin emphasize their unity.
Nevertheless, Sebastian Kurz’s visit to Angela Merkel seems like a visit from the future. Kurz now rules with the Greens and is very self-confident in Berlin.Sebastian Kurz is a man of many talents: One of them is to teach the host publicly without appearing trumpeting. As always, the tall Federal Chancellor of Austria was standing next to Angela Merkel when she presented the topics of conversation after a joint lunch in the Berlin Chancellery. Crossed hands, turned to the chancellor and turned away from the assembled journalists, Kurz gave the docile pupil in the face of the longest serving head of government in Europe. This gesture could and should be interpreted as an expression of sincere respect. Merkel, for her part, also expressed her joy in welcoming Kurz as a guest.
He praised the “” very good conversation “”. Angela and Sebastian spoke to each other repeatedly. The relationship between the two heads of government evidently corresponds to that of their states: very close and solid enough to openly and publicly talk about disputes. In this case: dealing with the issue of migration and the financial transaction tax initiated by Federal Finance Minister Olaf Scholz (SPD). The fact that the issues are limited to this is also due to the new government coalition in Vienna.
The alliance between Kurz ‘ÖVP and the Greens has been in place for four weeks. Since then, Austria has been testing what many political observers consider to be the most likely governmental constellation in Germany should the grand coalition one day come to an end. Since then, climate policy in Austria has had a completely different status than in Kurz’s coalition with the FPÖ, which brings Vienna and Berlin closer together politically of his government.
